The Dynasties Ruto is Fighting

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By Kenya Confidential Economic Intelligence Desk, Nairobi, February 5, 2021

Before the 2007-2008 ethnic cleansing in the Rift Valley, William Ruto held a series of meetings during which he told Kalenjins how Kikuyus had been shipped from Kiambaa in Kiambu to settle in a place they also called Kiambaa – and openly declared “people must fight”. He has been preaching the same message about the “haves” (dynasties) and “have nots” (hustlers) over the last two years.

Kenyans must brace themselves for class war disguised as “hustler” versus “dynasties” being engineered by Deputy President William Ruto which will be fought on three War Fronts directed against the so called “dynasties” who have become rich since independence in 1963.

The drums of war reverberating across the mountains, ridges and savannah plains of the Kenyan nation are as a result of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Kenya judiciary failure to punish those responsible for 2007-2008 post-election violence.

Foolishly the Kenya electorate rewarded principal suspects with the highest offices on the land. President Uhuru Kenyatta dream that partnering with Ruto would forestall future human carnage in Kenya has turned out to be a dreadful nightmare.

The Church Massacre: It was not a coincidence that human beings were burnt alive in Kiambaa Church. It was premeditated and executed as per instructions

War Front One:

In the first category of “dynasties” are to be found among a list of some Kenyans named by Ruto Presidential Campaign Strategic Team – the super rich families of the Kenya’s first President Jomo Kenyatta era from 1960s and 1970s, mainly the Kikuyu. 

The late President Jomo Kenyatta

They were exemplified by;

  • The Kenyatta family.
  • Duncan Ndegwa and his family. Ndegwa was the first Central Bank Governor and Jomo Kenyatta’s head of Civil Service and Secretary to the Cabinet.
  • The family of another ex-CBK Governor Philip Ndegwa (RIP) – owner of insurance companies and a large real estate property portfolio.
  • Unilever boss Joe Wanjui.
  • John Michuki family, owner of the Windsor Hotel and Golf Club.
  • The families of investment triumvirate of Charles NjonjoJeremiah Kiereini (RIP) and James Kanyotu
  • Family of Simeon Nyachae (RIP) and his Sansora food-processing companies.
  • Kenneth Matiba (RIP) would have been in that category if he had not bled his businesses dry in 1992 when he sought the presidency.
  • There had been other insiders in the 1980s who had not survived the decades of Moi’s ethnic economic hostile rule. Their businesses and properties were acquired by Moi proxies after government banks were ordered to recall their loans prematurely – many died prematurely. Samson Muriithi who was robbed of his Golden Beach Hotel and JK Kalinga, who was assembling telecommunications equipment, are good examples.
  • All those are Kenyans whose fathers had no wealth to talk about but are today branded “dynasties” by Deputy President Ruto.

War Front Two:

Late President Daniel Moi

This category comprises Africans who made their money in the 1980s and 1990s, mostly associated with Moi regime. They included the key Kalenjin elites;

  • The Moi family, 
  • Cabinet minister Nicholas Biwott (RIP) family,
  • Moi’s personal assistant Joshua Kulei,
  • Hosea Mundui Kiplagat (RIP), entrepreneur belonging to the Moi’s Tugen ethnic community. He was born to the late Isaac Salgong and the late Zipporah Salgong, a maternal cousin to Moi, in 1945 and died on February 6, 2921.
  • Eric Kotut now a businessman who was the fourth Central Bank Governor holding office from 1988 to 1993. He was appointed to the position because of his fathers relationship with Moi, as they went to the same church.
  • Others included favoured sons from other communities, such as;
  • The late George Saitoti (RIP) a Kikuyu Maasai amiable to orders to bend backwards when so demanded by Moi or Biwott as minister of finance during the notorious Goldenberg scandal. He had transformed one of his bedrooms into a strongroom and stashed cash from the floor to the ceiling.
  • Chris Kirubi who bankrupted East and Central African biggest transport firm, KENATCO and Uchumi Supermarket to become a multi-billionaire. He is reported to have hidden a sports Mercedes at the basement of International Life House. (Read more about Kirubi queer life in coming issues.)
  • Samuel Gichuru a Kikuyu opportunist, who was sending a minimum of Ksh 20 millions as harambee money to Moi every Friday, stolen from the energy parastatal. He stole billions and shipped Kenya’s wealth to the island of Jersey. He is fighting extradition to face corruption charges along with former energy minister Chris Okemo.
  • By 2002, Moi himself had seven private residences – including County of Nairobi house in Woodley, as well as investments, businesses, buildings, farms and ranches. He always denied having foreign bank accounts, but there was little dispute than he, his family, his proxies and Biwott together owned the largest chunk of Kenya’s economy in private African hands. They shipped billions of shillings to offshore banks through TransNational Bank that was also used by Nigerian crook of president Sam Abacha.
  • Abacha family has surrendered huge sums of money back to the Nigerian government but both Moi and Kenyatta families have returned nothing of billions stashed in their foreign accounts. If they ever feared they may need that money in exile, that day may not be far with the “hustler nation” threat.
  • Lawyer Mutula Kilonzo was Moi’s financial external conduit.
  • Rather than working together, however, Kulei, a former Kenya Prisons warden, who met Moi when supervising prisoners working on his farms, Biwott, Gideon Moi, Franklin Bett, Kiplagat and others often competed over lucrative deals. All used Moi’s name as the authority for their transactions. 
  • They form a domestic home war front Ruto has to deal with in the Rift Valley superiority war that saw his dirty tricks of trying to block Gideon from being installed Kalenjin leader by Talai elders last month. He used local hustlers to blockade the road Gideon was using forcing him to abandon the ceremony. He was installed a couple of days later. Ruto‘s beef with fellow Kalenjin is that many of them are Turgen and Kipsigis not Nandi like him.
  • Again all those Kalenjins and Kikuyus are Kenyans whose fathers, except Moi by virtue of being president, had no wealth to boast about – yet Ruto thinks he is special but the others are “dynasties”.
Gideon Moi installed Kalenjin leader

War Front Three:

This front comprises Asian business community now in their third generation with Kenya as their home. They still own most of the manufacturing industry in Kenya and much else, sparking periodic debate over the reason why this remained the case. 

The recent raid on the heavily-guarded home of tycoon Manu Chandaria a businessman of Indian descent born in Nairobi on 1 March 1929. He is a senior member of the Comcraft Group of Companies, a billion dollar enterprise that has a presence in over 40 countries, has sent disturbing shockwaves among the Asian community.

Manu Chandaria residence robbed

Such attacks have not been common in the area where several prominent individuals including former President Mwai Kibaki, Mama Ngina Kenyatta and businessman Jimmy Wanjigi among others reside. It could be a pointer of things to come should the war on “dynasties” escalate. Among items stolen was jewellery worth millions that can finance criminal activities – terrorism included.

Several groups of Asian families have coexisted, independent of divisions based on origins and religion. First, there were the high-profile frontmen of the late 1980s and early 1990s such as crooked Kamlesh PattniKetan Somaia and the Shah banking families, nouveaux riches who had lost their lustre. Pattni was the architect of the notorious Moi era multi-billion-shilling Goldenberg International heist. He literally owns Airport duty free shops. Somaia has multiple banking and London Taxis scandals. He is serving prison sentence in Britain.

Other Asian businesses had close links to ministers, and were extremely successful at winning government contracts, but were more careful. These included Mukesh Gohil, who until 2002 was Gideon Moi’s business colleague; Sunil Behal, owner of a road construction company, Saitoti’s regular harambee donor. 

The Deepak Kamani family the brainchild of Kibaki era Angloleasing scandal and owners of the Kamsons Group, linked with Moi era extortionist Kulei. Harbinder Singh Sethi was close to Biwott and Gideon Moi, commodity dealer Harish Devani worked with Kiplagat and Gichuru and architect Harbans Singh was an ally of Saitoti. A dozen more well-known Asian businessmen had close links to permanent secretaries, other ministers and military officers.

Other Nairobi Asian families were longer established before independence and less dependent on state largesse, although many needed links with either the Moi or Kenyatta families. These included Naushad Merali of Sameer, the Comcraft Group, Moi and Njonjo’s business partner P. K. Jani, the Popat family holders of the Mitsubishi vehicle franchise and owners of Imperial Bank, Lalit Pandit, East African Building Society and Manish Shah and family owners of Kingsway Motors, Charterhouse Bank and the Village Market shopping complex.

A final group of Arab and Asian tycoons had made their money by commodity trading, transportation and import–export, most based in Mombasa. These included Rashid SajaadTwahir Said SheikhMohamed Bawazir and Abdallah Zubedi, who helped fund KANU during the 1992 and 1997 general elections. Others included the Bayusuf group in transport and the Akasha family of drug smuggling notoriety.

The above indicates the strong correlation between business and politics in Kenya now submerged in Ruto’s hustler versus dynasty war. Ruto guns are currently trained on the first and second warfronts but the third front won’t sit back should Ruto pursue his intentions.

The Combatant:

Ruto known wealth excluding assets in foreign countries

Deputy President William Ruto has over the last eight years been marshalling hustler troops and radicalizing the youth against so-called dynasties. He has set aside billions for his war and is in the process of procuring a personal presidential jet. He has a presidential mansion in Brazzaville and is reported to have leased 100,000 acre farm in DRC where he grows maize under the cover of Oscar Sudi. Such facility can be very appropriate for military or guerrilla training.

  • Ruto is reputed to have grown his wealth through land grabbing, duty free Chinese imports, contraband goods imports, extortion and gambling after looting millions from the Youth for Kanu 1992 (YK’92) Moi re-election machine. Moi wanted absolutely nothing to do with him after he discovered the dishonest crook he was. There were reports linking him to an attack on Moi farm during 2007-2008 post-election violence.
  • According to Ruto Presidential campaign team, the major Dynasties in this country comprise of the Kenyatta family, the Odinga Family, the Moi Family, the Biwott Family, the Ndegwa Family, the Mudavadi Family, and the Kalonzo Family, the Nassir Family, the Nyachae Family, to mention but a few. Anyone whose father had a name during the Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki governments is member of the dynasty. 
  • During the campaigns, our team should refrain from mentioning June Ruto, Nick Ruto, Stephanie Ruto, and even Abby Ruto. Those on our side who are members of dynasties such Susan KihikaRigathi Gachagua, etc., should also not be mentioned. 

Read: Ruto’s Team Evil Plot to Wreak Havoc in Kenya http://kenyaconfidential.com/2020/06/07/ruto-team-evil-plot-to-wreak-havoc-in-kenya/ via @kenyaconfidential.com

Almost all the wealthy families had close government links, good business acumen and a flexible attitude to the law. One was not sufficient without the others. There were wealthy and successful politicians such as Mwai Kibaki, who held shareholdings in many companies and who were not in the super-rich league because they lacked the ‘killer instinct’ or an appetite for gross corruption.

Others such as Paul Ngei and Jackson Harvester Angaine had the contacts and the willingness to use the system, but not the business acumen. The wealthiest elites knew each other, schooled their children together and were in business together.

Their struggles to consolidate resources into their family controlled conglomerates, lay behind many of the country’s political battles, and they funded both KANU and opposition leaders for their own reasons. They will not sit idle to watch Ruto destroy their livelihoods.

Kiambaa was deliberate ethnic cleansing

The European community, meanwhile, remains wealthy and influential, but in a more ephemeral form. Most resident Europeans are expatriates, diplomats or business-people, almost all living in Nairobi, Coast and Rift Valley counties and are often politically disinterested or naive. A few white settlers remained, influential behind the scenes, but are rarely seen in the city.

Their interests are however jealously guarded by governments of their countries of origin, which cannot sit back should their interests be threatened by the so-called “hustler nation”. The former colonial master Great Britain has the highest stake and military presence in Kenya. It is very unlikely she would allow Ruto and his troops to rob her kith and kin hurt them or their properties.

Kenya has suffered two waves on industrialists flight when threatened with political instability. Many left after the 1982 abortive coup and others followed suit after the 2007-2008 post election violence. Any other political turmoil will see the few who have stood with Kenya seeking refuge in more stable economies of Europe, Asia and Australia.

Confused Platoon of foot soldiers and collateral damage

In the war field will be thousands of Confused Platoon of foot soldiers that Ruto is taking advantage of the majority adult voters born in 1978 when President Kenyatta died are 42 years this year and experienced nothing of his government that inherited factories which were operating 24 hours with four 8 hours labour shifts. The factories were all killed during Moi era and thousands of jobs lost.

Those aged 35 were born in 1985 seven years into 24 years of Moi regime. They were 18 years when Kibaki took over in 2003 and started reviving industries and parastatals killed by the Moi regime, among them the KCC (to provide free Nyayo milk without paying cows owners), KMC (eating meat without paying cattle owners), KNTC (flooding Kenya with contraband goods), KFA (killing Guaranteed Minimum Return programme), looting fledging KTDA etc. They have no hindsight of the economic destruction inflicted upon the Kenyan nation during the Moi era and the resultant joblessness.

Ruto is radicalizing and leading the youthful population towards class/civil war slaughter house with promises of vanquishing the dynasties gifting them wheelbarrows. Only the very foolish of foolish youths can choose to start his journey towards riches from a wheelbarrow after secondary and university education.

That is condemning the youth to a life of cheap manual labourers intended to work on his botanical gardens of which he has a PhD. Kenya is not about botanical science as much as it may be an agricultural country. The future is in industrialisation and mechanisation of all fields of development.

Last Word:

It is not possible that the so-called dynasties, who control the economic and security heart beat of the Kenyan nation, will sit idle and watch as the Kenyan nation is destroyed to the ruins for Ruto to be president. Put simply Ruto and his troops are biting more than they can chew.

They are however causing collateral damage of burning vehicles after accidents to punish dynasty owners. Soon they could upgrade their vicious calling to burning houses and churches in areas where their evil ministry is not welcome.