Former President’s son gets 5 years for Corruption


By a special correspondent, Luanda, Angola

A COURT in Luanda, Angola, has sentenced the son of former Angolan president Eduardo Dos Santos to five years in prison over a $500 million (Ksh 54.2 billion) corruption case.

Jose Filomeno de dos Santos, the former head of Angola’s $5bn sovereign wealth fund, was found guilty, along with three other defendants, of transferring the money to a Credit Suisse account in London. Kenya politicians and business community have stashed billions in European and American banks including Credit Suisse.

In Kenya publicly known former presidents sons are treated with gloves and utmost caution to maintain the corruptocratic system intact. Only sons of unknown fathers are tried and jailed for Corruption as much as President Uhuru Kenyatta claims he is fighting corruption and will not protect even his “brother, sister or closest political allies” – typical preaching of water and drinking wine of which the Kenyan president is not an alien.

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Filomeno Dos Santos trial has been the most high profile case to date under the anti-corruption drive of President Joao Lourenco, who took the helm after dos Santos stepped down in 2017 after a near four-decade grip of power in Africa’s second-biggest oil exporter.

Judge Joao Pitra found Dos Santos – nicknamed ‘Zenu’ – guilty of fraud, embezzlement and influence trafficking, Lusa said. Valter Filipe, former governor of the National Bank of Angola, was sentenced to eight years in the case.

António Samalia Bule, former director of Banco Nacional de Angola, and Jorge Gaudens Sebastião, a businessman and longtime friend of Zenu’s, got five years and six years respectively.

All were acquitted of money laundering, Lusa said.

Like is so common in African countries, former president Dos Santos appointed close allies and kin to key positions but his successor, also a member of the ruling People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) party, has rooted out some of his loyalists and initiated anti-corruption trials against senior members of the former regime.

In Kenya corrupt children of former presidents are treated as saints even when ample evidence exists of their involvement in Corruption, amassing unexplainable wealth, grabbing public land and money laundering. Only when such people are prosecuted for corruption will the fight against graft will make sense.

Corruption money determines election results in Kenya – candidates bribe voters, election officials as well as party nomination and clearance officials. then they called themselves honourable.

For many years no one in investigative, prosecution or trail of corruption cases has been serious about slowing down the evil system for fear of political backlash. The evidence is in the110-page report by the international risk consultancy firm Kroll, whose allegations that relatives and associates of Moi siphoned off more than Ksh 150 billion of Kenya government money was totally ignored by the Kibaki regime. Jubilee did not bother about it either.

The report places the late Moi at par with Africa’s other great kleptocrats, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo) and Nigeria’s Sani Abacha. Nigeria pursued Abacha’s money and billion have been returned from the United States and Europe.

The report, commissioned by the Kibaki government, was submitted in 2004, but never acted upon. Its details indicate that:

  • Moi’s sons – Philip and Gideon – were reportedly worth £384m (now Ksh 50,939,466,892)and £550m (Ksh 72,961,839,610) respectively – it was not clear how the figures  were arrived at;
  • His associates colluded with Italian drug barons and printed counterfeit money used in 1992 re-election – courtesy of Youth for Kanu 1992 (YK’82) extending Moi’s dictatorship;
  • His clique owned a bank in Belgium;
  • The threat of losing their wealth a few years ago prompted threats of violence between Moi’s family and his political aides – notably his former aide Joshua Kulei and former self-proclaimed total man the late Nicholas Biwott;
  • Over (£4m) Ksh 530,411,893, was used to buy a home in Surrey and (£2m) Ksh 265,228,963 to buy a flat in Knightsbridge.
  • However, to avoid diplomatic row between Kenya and her former colonial master, Kroll said it could not confirm or deny all details in the report.

The Kroll investigation into the former dictatorship was commissioned by President Mwai Kibaki shortly after he came to power on an anti-corruption platform in 2003.

It was meant to be the first step towards recovering some of the money stolen during Moi’s 24-year rule, which earned Kenya the reputation as one of the most corrupt countries in the world – a title Kenya still enjoys.

Kibaki’s era own Justice Waki Judicial inquiry into the notorious Goldenberg International yielded nought despite convincing evidence adduced.

The looting brainchild Kamlesh Pattni had enlisted Director of Intelligence, the late James Kanyotu as a director in his looting expendition – a dreaded and elusive cop-turned multi-millionaire, who got Financial Review magazine banned when it started probing into multi-billion-shilling Goldenberg scandal. Pattni has since disinherited all Kanyotu properties to his ownership.

Although Kanyotu was the director of the Special Branch (intelligence unit of the Kenya Police, now known as National Intelligence Services, NIS) and a director of First American Bank, he described himself as a farmer in Goldenberg documents. President Moi was named by Pattni as having been a shareholder of GIL by nominee. However, President Moi himself was never called to present evidence despite despite this alleged link.

Shortly after, Saitoti along with 20 several others suspected to be involved in the scandal were prohibited from leaving the country and ordered to surrender any weapons they possessed. Among those named were:-

  • Gideon Moi, retired President Moi’s son, also then Baringo Central MP
  • Philip Moi Retired President Moi’s son
  • Moi’s lawyer, late Mutula Kilonzo
  • Moi’s former personal assistant, Joshua Kulei
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya governor Eric Kotut
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya deputy governor late Eliphas Riungu
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya employee Job Kilach.
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya employee Tom Werunga
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya employee Michael Wanjihia
  • Philip Murgor, the former director of public prosecutions. Murgor’s law firm represented the Central Bank of Kenya during the two-year public inquiry headed by Justice Bosire.
  • Former Treasury permanent secretary Charles Mbindyo
  • Former Treasury permanent secretary late Wilfred Karuga Koinange.
  • Former Treasury permanent secretary Joseph Magari.
  • The late Prof George Saitoti, who resigned as Education minister.
  • Goldenberg architect Kamlesh Pattni.
  • Pattni’s business partner and former Special Branch chief James Kanyotu
  • Former commissioner of Mines and Geology Collins Owayo
  • Arthur Ndegwa, senior mining engineer in the Commissioner of Mines Nairobi office
  • Former commissioner of Customs and Excise Francis Cheruiyot.
  • Former Kenya Commercial Bank general manager Elijah arap Bii.

Last word:

Corruption does not pay.

Corruption is a crime against humanity that is more often than not punished by the Devine Justice – if not on the direct culprits, down to their children and generations. Many corrupt individuals die after years of excruciating and unbearable tormenting killer diseases – that deplete most of their stolen fortune.

It is important for President Uhuru Kenyatta to know and understand that the public anger against Corruption is very likely to trigger a revolution in Kenya – especially as poverty levels approach unmanageable levels fuelled by Coronavirus. Millions of youths will choose to die on their feet rather than succumb to hunger when super-rich political families loot national coffers – selling face masks at super-inflated price of Ksh 900 per piece to the Ministry of Health having previously sold the same ministry junk metal disguised as mobile clinics containers.

The same type of masks are retailing at Ksh 100 per a packet of five. That means a piece that costs Ksh 5 is sold to the ministry for a whooping Ksh 895 more – close to Ksh 1000.

Corruption has been the catalyst for military coups, civil revolutions and assassinations of leaders all over the world – Kenya is not on Mars and Kenyans are not aliens from Jupiter.