Shameless Rape of a Motherland: Part 1

0
300

By Kenya Confidential Economic Editor – Nairobi, January 3, 2020

The UhuRuto Jubilee government has exceeded all known CORRUPTION limits and presided over the looting of over Ksh 8 trillion in the last seven years – with Corruption gobbling one trillion a year. It is incomprehensible that Jubilee party would like to extend its looting spree under Deputy President William Ruto or any other leader.

The shocking extent of CORRUPTION perpetrated by the family and sycophants of the former Kenyan dictator Daniel Arap Moi is a matter Kenyans should never take for granted. 

Similarly, Corruption during the Mwai Kibaki era should be pursued to the last cent – and obviously the Jubilee record-breaking State looting must never go unpunished. Looting of public resources has permeated all public and private institutions including Universities, research bodies, training institutions and destitute childrens homes. It has also been devolved to all 47 County governments in a shameless raping of a Motherland.

The UhuRuto Jubilee government has exceeded all known CORRUPTION limits and presided over the looting of over Ksh 8 trillion in the last seven years – with Corruption gobbling one trillion a year. It is incomprehensible that Jubilee party would like to extend its looting spree under Deputy President William Ruto or any other leader.

A list compiled by Corruption Tracker that has not been challenged by the Jubilee government shows that a staggering Ksh 8,084,682,800,000 (8.08 trillion shillings) has been stolen, misused or lost to corruption under the Jubilee  government led by President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Deputy Ruto – the so-called UhuRuto. 

The two are today pulling in different directions and viewing Corruption from two totally opposed poles. Uhuru is waging war on Corruption, Ruto says he does “not believe corruption can stop a leader from delivering in Kenya”. Ruto appears to be totally ignorant, or does not care, about the fact that all white elephants of stalled projects government he is a deputy president in, is unable to deliver is because of Corruption. Many civil servants and politicians are free riders on the Ruto bus.

The professionally choreographed UhuRuto regime looting began with 2013 campaign promises of free primary school’s laptop scandal with funds that were released for the purchase of laptops for standard one kids in public primary schools. Eventually, Kenya citizens lost Ksh 24,600,000,000 (24.6 billion shillings). Nobody was arrested. Nobody was charged. Nobody was jailed.

The former Auditor General Edward Ouko in 2018 found a bottomless hole at the Ministry of Health worth Ksh 11,000,000,000 (11 billion shillings) said to have purchased medical equipment and inflated mobile clinics, Nobody was arrested. Nobody was prosecuted. Nobody was jailed. See the shocking list of shamelass plunder on this link – Corruption Tracker,  

It is public knowledge that Moi presided over a web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen that his entourage used to funnel hundreds of millions of shillings to nearly 30 countries including former colonial master Britain.

The Moi regime created overnight millionaires, Kibaki government generated overnight billionaired, Uhuru’s government is hatching overnight trillionaires – given that a third of the National Budget funds to Corruption, Uhuru’s Ksh 3 trillion budget is yielding a trillion for the Corruption industry annually yet the other Ksh 2 trillion cannot be convincingly accounted for. 

To date not a single coin in billions of shillings looted by the Moi era looters has been returned to Kenya publicly nor has any of assets bought with corruption proceeds been recovered to reverse the financial theft from his motherland. Neither has anything to write home about has been recovered from Kibaki era thieves.

Worse still, failure to recover the looted wealth has encouraged most politically connected Kenyans to loot his or her motherland without mercy or remorse. The multi-billion-shilling scandals rocking almost every ministry of Jubilee government and literally all 47 counties is evidence that Moi era institutionalized corruption in Kenya.

The October 18th October Anti-corruption and Governance Summit at State House was testimony to a lost cause that gave graft cartels the assurance that they need not apply any brakes as they cruise on the gravy train towards illicit wealth. 

A majority of them are grateful that the celebrated Integrated Financial Management Information System (IFMIS) has become their national looting superhighway. The vigilance by new Director of Criminal Investigations George Kinoti and courageous Director of Public Prosecutions Noordin Haji has yet to tame the Corruption appetite by civil servants and private sector tenderpreneurs who can be paid millions without detection by IFMIS.

Their joy stems from the fact that even when IFMIS footsteps can lead investigators to those who manipulated payments by names they entered into the system, the fabrication of figures they keyed in and the time they commissioned their crimes, investigators have chosen to look to a different direction to hoodwink Kenyans in a clear case of cover-up.

For many years no one in investigative, prosecution or trail of corruption cases has been serious about slowing down the evil system for fear of political backlash. The evidence is in the110-page report by the international risk consultancy firm Kroll, whose allegations that relatives and associates of Mr Moi siphoned off more than Ksh 150 billion of Kenya government money was totally ignored by the Kibaki regime. Jubilee did not bother about it either.

The report places the ailing Moi at par with Africa’s other great kleptocrats, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo) and Nigeria’s Sani Abacha. Nigeria pursued Abacha’s money and billion have been returned from the United States and Europe.

The assets accumulated by Moi era looters included multi-million shilling properties in London, New York, Dubai, Japan, and South Africa, as well as a 10,000-hectare ranch in Australia and bank accounts containing hundreds of millions of shillings.

The report, commissioned by the Kibaki government, was submitted in 2004, but never acted upon. Its details indicate that:

  • Mr Moi’s sons – Philip and Gideon – were reportedly worth £384m (now Ksh 50,939,466,892)and £550m (Ksh 72,961,839,610) respectively – it was not clear how the figures  were arrived at;
  • His associates colluded with Italian drug barons and printed counterfeit money used in 1992 re-election – courtesy of Youth for Kanu 1992 (YK’82) extending Moi’s dictatorship;
  • His clique owned a bank in Belgium;
  • The threat of losing their wealth a few years ago prompted threats of violence between Moi’s family and his political aides – notably his former aide Joshua Kulei and former self-proclaimed total man the late Nicholas Biwott;
  • Over (£4m) Ksh 530,411,893, was used to buy a home in Surrey and (£2m) Ksh 265,228,963 to buy a flat in Knightsbridge.
  • However, to avoid diplomatic row between Kenya and her former colonial master, Kroll said it could not confirm or deny the authenticiy of the report.

The Kroll investigation into the former dictatorship was commissioned by President Mwai Kibaki shortly after he came to power on an anti-corruption platform in 2003. It was meant to be the first step towards recovering some of the money stolen during Moi’s 24-year rule, which earned Kenya the reputation as one of the most corrupt countries in the world – a title Kenya still enjoys.

Kibaki’s era own Justice Waki Judicial inquiry into the notorious Goldenberg International yielded nought despite convincing evidence adduced. The looting brainchild Kamlesh Pattni had enlisted Director of Intelligence, the late James Kanyotu as a director in his looting expendition – a dreaded and elusive cop-turned multi-millionaire, who got Financial Review magazine banned when it started probing into multi-billion-shilling Goldenberg scandal. Pattni has since disinherited all Kanyotu properties to his ownership.

Although Kanyotu was the director of the Special Branch (intelligence unit of the Kenya Police, now known as National Intelligence Services, NIS) and a director of First American Bank, he described himself as a farmer in Goldenberg documents. President Moi was named by Pattni as having been a shareholder of GIL by nominee. However, President Moi himself was never called to present evidence despite despite this alleged link.

Shortly after, Saitoti along with 20 several others suspected to be involved in the scandal were prohibited from leaving the country and ordered to surrender any weapons they possessed. Among those named were

  • Gideon Moi, retired President Moi’s son, also then Baringo Central MP
  • Philip Moi Retired President Moi’s son
  • Moi’s lawyer, late Mutula Kilonzo
  • Moi’s former personal assistant, Joshua Kulei
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya governor Eric Kotut
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya deputy governor late Eliphas Riungu
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya employee Job Kilach.
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya employee Tom Werunga
  • Former Central Bank of Kenya employee Michael Wanjihia
  • Philip Murgor, the former director of public prosecutions. Murgor’s law firm represented the Central Bank of Kenya during the two-year public inquiry headed by Justice Bosire.
  • Former Treasury permanent secretary Charles Mbindyo
  • Former Treasury permanent secretary late Wilfred Karuga Koinange
  • Former Treasury permanent secretary Joseph Magari
  • The late Prof George Saitoti, who resigned as Education minister.
  • Goldenberg architect Kamlesh Pattni
  • Pattni’s business partner and former Special Branch chief James Kanyotu
  • Former commissioner of Mines and Geology Collins Owayo
  • Arthur Ndegwa, senior mining engineer in the Commissioner of Mines Nairobi office
  • Former commissioner of Customs and Excise Francis Cheruiyot.
  • Former Kenya Commercial Bank general manager Elijah arap Bii

Since then, none of Moi’s relatives or close allies has ever been prosecuted. Kamani and Kibaki’s finance minister David Mwiraria were among those charged with Anglo Leasing-related scandal. No money has been publicly declared as recovered. Instead substantial money was paid by Jubilee after legal suits by Anglo Leasing functionaries. 

Gideon Moi: Kanu era beneficiary
It is very likely that those who sued were among Kenya government officials in cohorts with the crooks. They did the same with the first major Corruption scandal in President Jomo Kenyatta era,Ksh 75 million  Ken-Ren phantom fertiliser factory at Mombasa. They sued and were paid by Moi and Kenyatta regimes.

Three of the four ministers who resigned after the Anglo Leasing scandal was exposed, were reinstated soon after. Mwiraria has since died but the case is still riding on the snail-speed wheels of justice in Kenya.

In the Kroll report the investigators allege that a Kenyan bank (TransNational) was the gateway to vast sums of money of out of the country via its foreign currency accounts. The same bank had already laundered $200m (£100m) on behalf of the late Mr Abacha, with the assistance of a Swiss-based “financier”. 

“It is believed that twice as much was laundered through the same system by the Mois,” the report said.

Kroll confirmed that it had previously done work for the Kenyan government. A company spokesman was given extracts of the said, “We cannot confirm or deny that this report is what it purports. Nor can we talk about the scope, content or results of any work we have done for the government of Kenya, which remains confidential.” 

Gideon Moi is Baringo Senator serving hois second term and Philip Moi is a businessman. 

Last word:

Corruption is cursed blood money.